Role Name Affiliation
National Coordinator
Subject Coordinator
Prof. Sujata Patel Department of Sociology
University of Hyderabad Paper Coordinator
Prof.Kamala Ganesh Formerly Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai, currently ICSSR Senior Research Fellow
Content Writer
Dr.M.Mahalingam Research Fellow, Centre for Policy Analysis,
New Delhi Content Reviewer Prof.Kamala Ganesh
Formerly Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai, currently ICSSR Senior Research Fellow Language Editor Prof.Kamala Ganesh
Formerly Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai, currently ICSSR Senior Research Fellow Technical Conversion
Module Structure
Description of the Module
Items Description of the Module
Subject Name Sociology
Paper Name Sociology of the Indian Diaspora Module Name/ Title Long Distance Nationalism Module Id
Pre Requisites
Objectives This Module tries to
Analyze the process of the phenomenon ‘Long-distance nationalism’.
Describe meaning and the main features of the concept ‘Long- distance nationalism’.
Discuss the causes and historiography of the concept ‘Long-distance nationalism’.
Illustrate the various nature and forms of long-distance nationalism of global diasporas.
Throw light on the Indian Diaspora and its long-distance nationalism.
Key words Migration, Diaspora, identity politics, Homeland orientation, globalization,
transnationalism
Long-Distance Nationalism Section V Module 8
QUADRANT 1 1. INTRODUCTION
Diasporas are forcefully or voluntarily dispersed, displaced and deterritorialized national communities(See for details Sheffer1986;Safran1991;Basch et al:1994). A Diaspora’s identification with its real or putative homeland entails a new type of consciousness (Vertovec1997) and ‘ethnic identity’ assertion in the host lands. They are involved in a triadic relationship between the diaspora, the host country and the homeland(Sheffer1986:8).Therefore, they live across international borders in transnational social fields (Schiller1999).They are indeed
‘the exemplary communities of the transnational moment’(Toloyan 1991:5). Diasporas are thus transnational imagined communities.
The advent of globalization has complemented the transnational aspects of diaspora.In fact, globalization accompanied by the advancement of transport, communication and information technologies has reinforced and sustained national identification as well as the intensification of transnational practices of diasporas with the real or putative homeland.
The growing diasporic triadic social relationships have economic and political implications in homeland as well as host land. Given their transnational nature, practice of ‘dual loyalty’ and enhanced social capital, they are strategically positioned to engage in homeland and host land politics. The ‘trans local’ political intervention of diasporas in homeland is popularly conceptualized as ‘Long-Distance Nationalism’ (Anderson1998) or ‘Diaspora nationalism’. Let us discuss in this chapter about the meaning of the concept, causes and various aspects of long- distance nationalism by drawing illustrations from global diasporas and focussing on India with detailed case studies.
1.1 Meaning and the Main Features of the concept ‘Long-Distance Nationalism’
The term ‘long-distance nationalism’ simply refers to the transnational political practices of dispersed population towards their real or imagined homeland. Ostergaard-Nielson defines transnational political practices as the ‘various forms of direct cross border participation in the politics of their country of origin by both migrants and refugees (such as voting and other support to political parties, participating in debates in the press) as well as their indirect participation via the political institutions of the host country or international organizations”
(Ostergaard-Neilson2003:762).
Benedict Anderson coined the term ‘long-distance nationalism’ in an article in New Left Review in 1992. According to him,“While technically a citizen of the state in which he comfortably lives, but to which he may feel little attachment, he finds it tempting to play identity politics by participating (via propaganda, money, weapons, anyway but voting) in the conflicts of his imagined Heimat”(Anderson1992:3-13). Long-distance nationalism is one of the forms of ethno- nationalism which is, according to Skirbis, “an ascribable affiliation, which may be associated with phenomena such as patriotism, chauvinism, ethno-centrism, linguistic nationalism, religious nationalism and xenophobia”(Skrbis1999:26).
Diasporas’ role in the homeland conflicts or civil war have led to ‘long distance nationalism’(Skirbis1999) or ‘transnationalization of domestic wars’(Turner2011) or
‘globalization of domestic politics’(Koslowski2001). Anderson portrays the concept of long- distance nationalism in a negative sense by linking diasporas with homeland conflicts. However, Schiller argues that long-distance nationalism need not always refer to malignant activities. The actions may include voting, demonstrating, lobbying monetary contributions, creating works of art besides fighting, killing and dying(Schiller2004:570).Also, diaspora communities indulge in a softer version of the conflict dynamics in the host land by organizing ‘struggle’ such as protests, public demonstrations, theatre plays, lobby activities etc.
At the same time, they are unaccountable for their deeds as protected by their new citizenship or new passports of adopted home, they do not face the risk of prison, torture, violence and loss of their life. Anderson recognizes this specific feature of long -distance nationalism by saying that long- distance nationalists “need not fear prison, torture, or death, nor does his family”
(Anderson1998:74). Therefore, long distance nationalists are more uncompromising than others as is often case with the conflict-generated diasporas(Lyons2007;Turner2008a).
Photo:1. Map of Jewish Diaspora and the creation of Israel. Source:www.siger.org accessed on 28.9.15
All migrants are not long-distance nationalists; a small proportion of them would become long - distance nationalists. Especially, long-distance nationalism is very pervasive among the refugee or stateless diasporas compared to other diasporic groups, given their vulnerability and migratory circumstances. The intensity or degree of long-distance nationalist’ engagement with the homeland politics depends upon the economic and political situation of the homeland as well as the hostland.
Long-distance nationalism is similar to the classic notion of nationalism and the nation state.
Like other forms of nationalism, long distant nationalists have the imagination of a nation that is composed of a people who share a common history, identity and territory. At the same time, the nature of the relationship between the members of the nation and the national territory make a difference from other forms of nationalism.
Devesh Kapur argues that long-distance nationalism is janus-faced, therefore, it manifests in two forms namely, civic and ethnic nationalism (Kapur2010:34). In general, long-distance nationalists have adopted four kinds of political stance towards their homeland which are (1)anti- colonialism (2) separatism(3) regime change and (4) political participation(Schiller2004:574). As diaspora groups are considered as the ‘paradigmatic other of the nation state’, long-distance nationalism is an inherent feature of dispersed population.
2. LONG-DISTANCE NATIONALISM: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
The concept of long-distance nationalism was popularized by Benedict Anderson . He argued that the existence of homeland is said to be there wherever immigrants from the specific states have settled. This version of long-distance nationalism was highlighted by him while illustrating the journey of a kidnapped British woman by Native Americans during the eighteenth century.
She was shifted to various locations within thirteen British colonies by her kidnappers. During her sojourn in various locations, she saw those locations as part of England and felt different from the natives because of her Englishness.
Since then, growing number of scholars and political activists including Anderson stretched it further and debated about its political implications. Later, Anderson redefined it - while the population of a diaspora is supposed to exist beyond the territorial frontiers of its original homeland, the political orientation and the reference point continue to be the territory of real or imagined homeland(Anderson1998).
Though the concept became very popular in the 1990s in social science and Diaspora literature, the phenomena of long-distance nationalism as such is very old. For instance, Germans, Czechs, Serbs, Poles, Italians, Hungarians, Greeks, Irish, Cubans, Mexicans, and Turks were among those immigrants who practiced transnational activity and identity when the nation building projects were in full swing in the disparate countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America and so on. The various accounts of the national movements have shown the role of political exiles living abroad in building national movements for the liberation of their homeland.
In the first half of the twentieth century, scholars employed the term ‘home country nationalism’
to describe the persisting political activism of nineteenth and early twentieth century immigrants to the United States in nation-state building projects in their homeland(Schermerhon1949). For instance, “A great number of German immigrants came only with the intention of fostering the development of the German nation-state in Europe. The Irish, the second most important element in the earlier immigration……(came) with the intention of assisting the creation of an Irish state in Europe”(Glazer1954:161).
Photo:2. Irish Diaspora gathering in the United States.Source:www.independent.ie accessed on 27.9.15
During World War I, a huge number of migrants living in the United States returned to Europe to fight for their native land. For instance, the Pan-Hellenic Union sent 42,000 Greek-Americans to fight for Greece between 1912 and1913.Serbian Americans went to fight Austria-Hungary and struggle for Serb independence in 1914(Harrington1982:113).In the early twentieth century, the government of Italy, Germany and Hungary used their consulates abroad to sustain the long distance nationalism of their compatriots (Schiller2004:572).The Irish in England contributed to political movements for the independence of Ireland. Intellectuals from colonized countries including India, Kenya,Vietnam and the Philippines who studied and lived abroad built movements for national independence and formed new nationalist ideologies from outside the borders of their homeland from locations in England, France and Spain(ibid).
According to Schiller, the transnational family ties and the long-distance nationalism of immigrants settled in the Americas, Hawaii and Australia were disrupted by depression, restrictive immigration laws, the two world wars of the twentieth century, and the cold war (ibid). In the context of the Cold war, the governments of the United States and Canada encouraged long-distance nationalism. The US government mobilized immigrants to support the pro-United States forces to establish a democratic government by thwarting the attempts of communists to form the government in Greece and Italy(Schiller2004:573).
Photo:3.Palestinian diaspora demo march to Israeli Embassy in London, July
2014.Source:http://tlv1.fm/the-tel-aviv-review/2015/06/20/stranger-among-us-an-israelis-study- of-the-uk-palestinian-diaspora/
Further, the major US political parties, namely Democratic and Republican mobilized the long settled immigrants and their descendants from the states within Soviet Union and its block such as Georgia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuaniawho were organized under the rubric of ‘oppressed nations’ by instigating long- distance nationalism in order to mobilize against the countries that had become socialist (Cited in Schiller2004:573).
Now, the world has entered into a second phase of long-distance nationalism. The world has witnessed an exponential growth of international migration and the transnational character of diaspora has accentuated, given the rapid advancement in transport, communication and information technologies under the aegis of globalization. Therefore, the transnational political practices have increased in form and content among diasporas towards their original homeland.
Long-distance nationalism is a reality in the comity of globalized nation-states now.
3.CAUSES FOR LONG-DISTANCE NATIONALISM
The surfacing, manifestation and sustainability of long-distance nationalism depends upon the existing socio, economic and political conditions of the hostland as well as homeland. Many nation states could not assimilate their ethnic minorities as they no longer desired to abandon
their past (Cohen1996:507).Demmers argues that “it has become increasingly hard to settle and assimilate in the hostland, as diasporas are more likely to continue to focus on their erstwhile homeland“(Demmers2002:88). Thus, long distance nationalism is an outcome of the failure of immigrants to identify with the host society: it resolves the issue of ‘identity’ crisis in the host society because of low levels of assimilation.
The policy of ‘multiculturalism’ adopted by many nation states has allowed diaspora groups to maintain their ethnicity which has strengthened their cultural interaction with the original homeland. Therefore, the persistence of ‘cultural difference’ in the host society enforces long distance nationalism of diaspora groups.
Diaspora groups face open or subtle form of discrimination though they have legally become citizens of their adopted home. In certain countries, they are denied full citizenship rights. So, the feeling of being the ‘other’ is reinforced which in turn facilitates long-distance nationalism of diaspora groups. One classic example is Malaysia where the ethnic minorities lack full citizenship rights despite their being long term residents in the country. Even though immigrant communities live for many generations in the Gulf region, they cannot become legal citizens.
These ‘impossible citizens’ (Vora2013) are actively engaged in long-distance nationalism.
Long-distance nationalism is usually seen as a result of oppression or marginalization in the host or home country. At the same time,successful or prosperous migrant communities in the host lands also foster long-distance nationalism. The Hindu and Sikh communities of the United States and the United Kingdom are relatively prosperous ethnic minorities in their host lands who have supported the Hindutva nationalism and Khalistan movementrespectively (see for details Biswas2004).
In response to ‘racism’ and ‘racial stereotyping’ in the host societies, diaspora groups tend to identify with the homeland by invoking the metaphors of blood ties or biological belonging, common origins and shared identity that leads to long- distance nationalism. To cite an example, the racial stereotyping of Croatian as hot headed irrational nationalists has contributed to the long-distance nationalism of second generation Croatians, resulting in some of them leaving for Croatia in the 1990sto take part in the military struggle to build the Croatian nation- state(Skrbis1999).
Referring to the ethnic minorities as Latin-American, Asian-American, African –American, Indo-Fijian and Malaysian Chinese have resulted in ‘racialization’ of diaspora groups in the host societies. Consequently, it has contributed to long distance nationalism.
The new pattern of conflict based upon identity throughout the late twentieth centuryhas led to increasing civil wars within nation states, resulting in war refugees at present. The growing number of ‘stateless’ refugees and political exiles is another important factor behind long–
distance nationalism. Loss of status in the host society in the case of asylum seekers and political exiles make them more vulnerable to long-distance nationalism. Therefore, long-distance nationalism surfaces if a country has a critical mass of political exiles because of their status loss and political irrelevance in the hostland(Skrbis1999).For instance, Latino males are pro-active in transnational political activities towards their country of origin due to their status loss upon migration to the United States (Correa1998).
Photo:4.SriLankanTamilDiasporaprotestinLondon.Source:www.colombogazette.com accessed on 26.9.15
An alternative view says that diaspora groups strategically instigate long-distance nationalism, so as to generate support for their own goals in the host society (Kenny2000).
Nation states are conceived as advancing ‘Graduated Sovereignty’ (Ong2006) under the contemporary process of globalization and subsequent transnationalization. The notions of
‘flexible citizenship’ (Ong1999), ‘transnational citizenship’(Baubock1994), and‘post-national citizenship’ (Soysal1994) depict the varied transnational social relationships of a migrant community. Given these growing transnational practices, many nation states have offered dual citizenship to their scattered population so as to recognize its transnational practices and to leverage upon its accumulated capital in turn contributing to long –distance nationalism.
Globalization accompanied with the advancement of communication technologies has created the process of ‘glocalization’(Robertson1995) and ‘trans-locality’(Appadurai1996)of public sphere which again fosters long- distance nationalism of diaspora groups by forging strong cultural links with the homeland.
Adding to this, knowledge innovation and concomitant technological developments intensify the process of long- distance nationalism. For instance, the digital revolution has led to the coming of cutting-edge technologies namely broadband telephone, Skype, iPod and iphones that have reduced space and time. The ‘new media’ has created ‘virtual neighbour hoods’
(Appadurai1996) and resultant ‘virtual ethnic communities’(Conversi2012) that have made long- distance nationalism stronger. Thus, the contemporary processes of globalization are supplementing long-distance nationalism.
4. GLOBAL DIASPORAS AND LONG-DISTANCE NATIONALISM
In retrospect, global Diasporas have fought against multinational non-democratic empires(Kapur2010). For instance, the Greek, the Polish, Irish and Slovak diasporas in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, or the communities of Russian Socialists throughout Western Europe in the beginning of the twentieth century supported and were involved in creating democratic nation states. In contrast, the modern, global Diasporas are fighting against democratic states(ibid). After the end of the Cold war, global diasporas have emerged as important actors and supporters of civil insurgencies, militant movements and terrorism around the world. The Palestians, Irish, and Sri Lankan Tamil diasporas have played a substantial role in sustaining insurgencies and civil war in their respective homelands.The Kosova Liberation Army (KLA) received a substantial funding from the Albanian diaspora in the West.
Photo:5.Kosovans celebrate their independence.
Source: www.the guardian.com (accessed on 28.9. 2015)
Apart from funding, global diasporas have engaged in lobbying to promote and protect the interests of their homelands. For example, the Croatian diaspora was effective in getting the international community’s support behind the Croats in their conflict with the Croatian Serbs(ibid). Numbering six million, Jewish-American diaspora and nearly one million Armenian-American diaspora in the United States have been very influential in the United States political system and have lobbied for the various causes of their homeland(ibid). The role of the Israeli lobbying group called American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is laudable in terms of putting the interests of Israel forward.
Photo:6Croatians demonstrate for Croatian independence at the U.S.
Capitol.Source:www.croatia.org (accessed on 26.9.15)
The following table gives out the details of the involvement of global diasporas in home land conflicts(ibid).
S.
NO
Country/Region of Origin
Examples of
Ultranationalists/Extremist Groups
Country/Region of Settlement
01. Afghanistan Taliban Pakistan
02. Algeria Islamic Salvation Army(AIS), Armed Islamic Group(GIA)
France
03. Azerbaijan Armenian separatists in Ngorno- Karabakh
Armenia, North America, European Union
04. Croatia/former
Republic of
Yougoslavia
Croatian nationalists Croatia, Germany
05. Cuba Cuban exiles United States
06. Egypt Gamaat Islamiyya Middle East, United
Kingdom
07. India Vishwa Hindu Parishad United States, United
Kingdom
08. India (Kashmir) Hizb-ul-Mujahideen,Harkat al- Ansar, Lashkar-e-Taiba
Pakistan
09. Indonesia Free Aceh Movement(GAM) Libya, Malaysia 10. Israel Zionist Organization of America,
Jewish Defense League.
United States
11. Israel (Occupied territories)
Palestinian Islamic Jihad(PIJ), Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine(PFLP).
United States
12. Kosova Kosova Liberation Army(KLA) Middle East
13. Lebanon Hezbollah Albania
14. Russia Chechen rebels Americas, Middle East
15. Rwanda Forces ArmeesRwandaises Burundi
16. Sri Lanka LTTE Canada, European Union
17. Turkey Kurdish Workers Party(PKK) European Union(especially Germany)
18. United Kingdom IRA, PIRA, Islamic Groups United States, Pakistan Source: Devesh Kapur. 2007 page 99.
From the above table, one can assess the extent of the involvement of diaspora organizations and diaspora groups in terrorism and the conflicts of homelands. In the following section, the case of Kurdish diaspora and its role in long-distance nationalism has been considered.
4.1 The Role of Kurdish diaspora
The Kurds are a small ethnic minority group in Turkey. The Kurdish question has been a chronic source of instability and violence in Turkeyafter the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 (Bozarslan2005:79). The successive Turkish governments’ constant denial to accept Kurds as having a different ethnic identity and grant them political, cultural and linguistic rights led to several Kurdish uprisings in Turkey. After the formation of the Kurdistan Workers Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, PKK), the struggle turned into a low intensity civil war between the Turkish army and the guerilla forces. The conflict reached its peak at the end of 1970s and early1980. It is important to note that Kurdish conflict is transnational in nature as the Kurdish population is scattered around several Middle-Eastern countries.
The nature of Kurdish migration was initially economic and later political one after the escalation of conflict between Kurdish minority and Turkish majority. Though Kurdish diaspora is globally dispersed, it is largely concentrated in certain countries like Sweden, France and Germany(Amiraux2005:72). The Kurdish diaspora in Europe provides financial support to the rebel groups in order to carry out violent activities against Turkey and most of these contributions appear to be voluntary(Bruinessen1998).Hoffman claims that one half of the PKK’s budget during the 1990s came from the Kurdish diaspora in Europe (Hoffman2007).
Photo:7.Protesters with Kurdish flags and posters denouncing “Turkish terror” shouting for a “Free Kurdistan.” at the London Turkish Embassy .Source:www.ianyanmag.com (accessed on 27.9.15)
Apart from funding, the Kurdish diaspora has been engaged in signing petitions, organizing campaigns, demonstrations, sit-in protests, hunger strikes and self immolations for the cause of their homeland conflict. For instance, many petitions were submitted by the Kurdish diaspora groups to release Leyla Zana, a Kurdish politician who was arrested for her speech against Turkish government (Cited in Baser, nd).
In April 1990, around 10,000 Kurds assembled in front of the Gothic Cologne Cathedral and protested against military action on the Kurdish minority and advocated for Kurdish autonomy in Turkey(Lyon&Ucarer2001). The Kurdish diaspora organized a ‘sit-in’ protest after Germany announced a ban on PKK as a terrorist group in 1993(ibid). A hunger strike was organized after the capture of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan in various locations of Europe. There were many cases of self immolations for the cause of homeland among the Kurds. For instance, a 14 year old Kurdish girl set herself on fire in London right after the capture of PKK leader Abdullah
Ocalan in 1999(Cited in Baser, nd). Turkey’s approach to the Kurdish problem has changed after the active involvement of Kurdish diaspora. However, a lot of things remain unresolved in the protracted conflict.
In addition, global diasporas such as British Serbian diaspora (Pryke2003), Haitian migrants in the United States(Schiller and Fouron2001), Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora in Norway(Fuglerud1999),Sikh diaspora(Tatla1999),East Timorese refugees (Wise2004),Tibetan Expatriates(Misra2003), Croatian diaspora in Australia(Skrbis1999) are well-known examples of long-distance nationalism. The following section will lead into a discussion on the nature and form of long distance nationalism practiced by the Indian diaspora.
5. Indian Diaspora and Long-distance Nationalism:
Estimated around 21 million, the Indian Diaspora spread across the globe is largely the legacy of colonialism, followed by various patterns of migration and still continuing international migration. Long-distance nationalism of Indian diaspora is not a modern phenomenon. The political activism of Indian diaspora can be traced back to the pre-colonial period. The Indian independence struggle deeply influenced the diverse Indian diaspora. They actively campaigned and lobbied for the liberation of India in their respective host countries. It is a well-known fact that Mahatma Gandhi who had defended the rights of Indian migrants in South Africa assumed the leadership of the Indian mass struggle and became a harbinger of political freedom in India.
The beginning of Gadar movement in California in November1913 and KomagataMaru incident in Vancouver, Canada in the month of May 1914 had political impact on India.
Photo: 8.Gandhi (centre) with colleagues at his Law Office, South Africa, 1913.Source:
Information Service of India
Subhas Chandra Bose formed Azad Hind Fauj(Free Indian Army) on 5th July, 1943 in Singapore and mobilized the working class Tamils of Malaya for ‘Chalo Delhi’ march(Belle2015:198- 199). The India Home Rule League of America organized fund raising for activities related to India’s freedom Struggle(IHRL1918:6).
Photo:9. Subhas Chandra Bose, taking saluteat the parade of women soldiers of
AzadHindFauj accompanied by
CaptainLaxmiSwaminathaninSingapore.Source:www.gallimafry.blogspot.com (accessed on 27.9.15)
After independence, the diverse Indian diaspora groups have been involved in sub-nationalist or ethno nationalist movements and a range of insurgent movements in India; in the Northeast, Sikh groups in the 1980s agitating for a separate state of Khalistan and overseas Kashmiris’ support for protracted militant struggle in Kashmir(Kapur2010).
Photo: 10. World Kashmir Diaspora Alliance staged a protest outside Hilton Hotel in Toronto Canada.Source:www.worldkashmir.org (accessed on 28.9.15)
The following section will discuss the involvement of the Sikh diaspora in Khalistan insurgency movement.
5.1 Case Study: The Sikh Diaspora
Though the Sikhs have a long history of migration, the bulk of the migration is a colonial phenomenon. At present, almost a million Sikhs live abroad and though many countries have Sikh communities, Britain, Canada and the United States account for three-quarters of Sikh emigrants(Tatla1999:61). ). Though the Sikhs are globally scattered, they maintain strong
connections among the diaspora Sikhs and Punjab by establishing Sikh religious organization, invoking myths about their holy land and through pilgrimage to Punjab. Thus, Sikh diaspora is a transnational community.
Photo:11.Sikhs protest for liberation of
Khalistan.Source:http://en.dailypakistan.com.pk/pakistan/liberate-khalistan-trend-gets- momentum-on-twitter-247/ (accessed on 23.9.15)
The origin of Sikh nationalism can be traced back to British colonial rule(See for details Kapur1986;Oberoi1988).Though the idea of a separate Sikh state of ‘Khalistan’ originated in the early 20th century, it assumed militant character under a high profile leader Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in the early 1980s. In 1984, under the political leadership of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the Indian army conducted ‘Operation blue star’ and thereby entered the Golden Temple complex and suppressed the Sikh insurgency led by the above leader . The ensuing assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984 by one of her Sikh bodyguards was followed by the 1984 anti-Sikh pogroms in Delhi at the hands of youths belonging to the ruling Indian National Congress Party. These critical events precipitated widespread mobilization of the Sikh
diaspora to espouse the cause of separate state of ‘Khalistan’ which was a manifestation of the already existing discourse among the Sikh diaspora seeking a sovereign and an independent Sikh state(Fair2005:134-135).
Photo:12.Khalistan issue precipitates protest among Sikhs inCanada.Source:http://news.saanj.net (acessed on 26.9.15)
“This unprecedented attack mobilized almost instantaneous protest amongst Diaspora Sikh communities. Large protest marches took place in London, Vancouver, New York, Edmonton, Calgary, Toronto, San Francisco, Los Angles. Already constructed networks of Sikhs, mainly through gurudwaras, were mobilized to protest the attack. Khalistan became the focal point of Sikh diaspora discourse”(Biswas2004:283). Moreover, “a number of Sikh groups in the diaspora declared themselves to be the Khalistan government in exile following the attack on the Golden Temple”(Cited in Fair2005:129). Various militant outfits were formed in pursuit of ‘Khalistan’
in the 1980s and 1990s, including Babbar Khalsa, the Khalistan Commando Force, the Khalistan Liberation Force, Bhindran wale Tiger Force of Khalistan, the Khalistan liberation organization and the International Sikh Youth Federation and so on (see for details Tatla1999;Fair2005).
Further, the involvement of the Sikh diaspora enabled Pakistan’s interference in Sikh Separatism by providing financial and military assistance to the Sikh cadres from the diaspora(Fair2005:128). Sikh militants from Canada were involved in bombing of an Air India flight in 1985, which killed all 329 people aboard. The Sikh lobby in the United States has made
more extensive contacts with members of US Congress, “projecting the issue of Sikhs’ human rights and also seeking endorsement for Sikhs’ right to self-determination in the Punjab”(Tatla1999:165). Today, there are still a few groups fighting for the creation of Khalistan, but the Khalistan movement has lost its charm and vigour both in India and within the diaspora community because of political accommodation by the Indian state.
There have been concerns in the Indian security establishments regarding the recent resurfacing of Sikh radicalism. A Canadian national with Indian roots, an alleged associate of Khalistan Tiger Force, chief Jagtar Singh Tara was recently arrested in Thailand and deported to India. He was found to have links with Pakistan based ISI for carrying out anti-India activities (TheHindu, 24thApril,2015). Indian Home Ministry claimed that he was involved in training Rohingyas and Sikh extremists in Thailand(Hard News, July 2015).Further, some radical Sikh diaspora groups are attempting to move a resolution in the US Congress in the month of November 2015 to declare the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 as ‘Genocide’ and that there be abrogation of article 25(2) (b) of the Indian constitution, where Sikh faith is seen to be part of Hinduism(ibid). The proposed resolution has received tremendous support from different groups based across in Europe, including the Sikh Council, UK and Pakistan based Sikh organizations such as the Sikh Research Study Centre(SRSC) and Young Sikh Partners(YSP)(ibid).
5.2 Hindutva and Islamic fundamentalism in the diaspora
Be that as it may, the recent rise of ‘Yankee Hindutva’ (see for details Bose2008;Mathew and Prashad2000;Sud2008) amongst the Indian Diaspora in the west especially from the United States and the United Kingdom has led to supporting and financing ‘Hindutva’ being promoted by Sangh Parivar. The growth of Hindu nationalism and the resultant Hindu fundamentalism in India in the 1980s and 1990s was attributed to financing in the form of diasporic philanthropy(see for details Jaffrelot and Therwath2007;Kapur2010).Its implication was related to violence against Muslims in particular and other religious minorities in general by the Hindu nationalists(Rajagopal2001;Kapur2010). Consequently, communal polarization of society would cause political instability and subsequent territorial threat to the country.
Photo:13.Gujarat communal riot in 2002.Source:www.shahernama.com
Beside the rise of Hindu fundamentalism, there is a clear sign of the rise of Muslim fundamentalism as well. The Indian Muslim migrants to Gulf countries are indoctrinated and transformed to sleeper cells. Investigations have shown that the Students Islamic Movement of India(SIMI) and the Indian Mujahedeen, implicated for carrying out terrorist attacks had been nurtured by diasporic radical Islamists based in Middle East and Pakistan through organizations like the Lashkar-e-Taiba (see for details Swami2004). After the Gujarat pogrom in 2002, some Indian Muslim migrants based in the Middle –East countries were attracted to join the Lashkar Cells based in Kuwait and Dubai to avenge one of India’s worst communal pogroms (ibid).
Syed Abdul Rakim hails from a lower middle-class family in Marol Naka area of Mumbai. He worked from1992 to 1999 in Jeddah as an electrician with a company that looked after the electrical works at Royal Palace. He returned to India to start a business. But it could not take off. So, he left again for Dubai. He joined in protests against the Gujarat riots, when videotapes of the violence were screened. He was motivated by Dubai based Lashkar recruiter Zahid Yusuf Patne to join its cell. Later, he returned to India, to play a key role in the Mumbai terrorist attack in 2003(Swami2004:5).
Photo:14. Mumbai terror attack.Source:www.barenakedislam.com 5.3 Indian Diaspora and Civic Nationalism
Moving on to civic nationalism of the Indian Diaspora, it has acted as a bridge, mediator, facilitator, lobby and advocacy group for ensuring the primacy of India’s’ national security and economic interests. For instance, given the soft power, political clout and lobbying efforts of the Indian American community, the volatile Indo-US relationship has become more peaceful, deeper and broader after the 1990s.The formation of the Congressional Caucus on India and Friends of India Caucus in the Senate have paved the way for building positive perceptions and growing optimism on India. Indian-American lobbyists played a pivotal role in the historic passage of the 2006 "Hyde Amendment" to the Atomic Energy Cooperation Act and the 2008 Congressional approval of the US-India 123 Agreement enabling US-India cooperation in civilian nuclear-energy trade(See for details Kapur2010;Rao2011). The lobbying efforts of the American Indian community were laudable in defeating the Burton Amendment and justifying India’s nuclear tests in 1998 and the Kargil war in1999 and shaping political consensus against Pakistan in the wake of terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament in 2001(ibid). In fact, the newly formed lobbying group US India Political Action Committee(USINPAC) is known to be working closely with Jewish groups on the Hill to push Indian interests( Rao2011:114).
The Indian Diaspora has become an important source of financing the political class of India.
Indian political parties started garnering support for their political agendas, gaining support for
their political projects and raising funds for their election campaigns. Indian political parties like BJP have even set up Overseas Friends of the BJP (OFBJP) in this regard (Kanungo2011:140).
The new political outfit, the Aam Aadmi Party claimed that one Hong Kong-based NRI donated Rs 50 lakh for the party and the larger share of the funds generated by the party was coming from abroad(cited inMahalingam2014:68). The Aam Aadmi Party president Arvind Kejriwal had video conferencing with the alumni of IIT and business schools to collect substantial funds for its election campaign during the Delhi Assembly election (ibid).Thus, Indian Diaspora plays an instrumental role for ushering in political change in the country.
By organizing Pravasi Bharatiya Divas as an annual event of the Indian Diaspora gathering since 2003 in various parts of the country and providing overseas Indian (not dual citizenship) citizenship to Indian Diaspora, the government has put in place measures that have led to intensification of the Indian Diaspora’s “long-distance nationalism’.
6. CONCLUSION
The growing International migration has enhanced the size and visibility of global ethnic diasporas. Hence, the intensity and forms of long-distance nationalism has been on the rise coupled with the ongoing communications and information technology revolution have strengthened their transnational political practices. As a result, they have emerged as ‘non-state actors’ in the international system given their economic and political clout in the home and host lands. Even though long-distance nationalism is an inherent feature of any displaced ethnic groups, the state too plays its role for the rise of global diasporas’ long-distance nationalism as it views them as a ‘strategic asset’ given their accumulated social and cultural capitals.
Therefore, long-distance nationalism will always persist in the global public sphere.
