Paper-11 Module-3
Gandhian Era and Women’s Participation in National Movement
(A) Personal Details
Role Name Affiliation
Principal Investigator
Prof. Sumita Parmar
Allahabad University, Allahabad
Paper Coordinator Prof
Chandrakala Padia
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor MGS University Bikaner Content
Writer/Author (CW)
Dr. Preeti Singh
Assistant Professor Dept of Poltical Science Vasant College for Women
Rajghat Varanasi Content Reviewer
(CR)
Prof
Chandrakala Padia
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor MGS University Bikaner Language Editor
(LE)
Prof. Sumita Parmar
Allahabad University, Allahabad
Description of Module
Subject Name
Women’s Studies
Paper Name Women, Governance and Politics Module
Name
Gandhian Era and Women’s Participation in National Movement.
Module Id Paper-11 Module-3
Pre-
requisites
The Reader is expected to have a basic understanding of the 20th century Indian society and Indian national movement.
Objectives
To make the reader understand how the national movement became a mass movement under the leadership of Gandhi, how a new space was created for women who became an integral part of the national movement, and to critically analyze the contribution of Gandhian era to the cause of women’s political participation.
Keywords
Public-Private, Swadeshi, Satyagraha, Nonviolence
Gandhian Era and Women’s Participation in National Movement.
Introduction
Arrival of Gandhi and the New Dimensions of National Movement
The national movement had taken an organized form by the 20th century and gradually had extended its scope and base. While in the moderate era it was dominantly limited to a small Western educated elite class, its scope was extended with the advent of extremist leadership. The Partition of Bengal proved to be a crucial event which brought a major shift in the nature of the national movement. With the launch of the Swadeshi movement, the national movement gradually started penetrating into the different sections of the society. But it truly took a mass character only after the arrival of
Gandhi, who had rich experience of working with masses and hence was aware of their power. Gandhi had a clear vision of connecting the ‘ordinary men’ with the national movement. He brought the issues of the poor, illiterate and downtrodden in the mainstream national movement, perhaps, as a part of his strategy of enlarging the base and scope of the national movement. In the beginning he focused on the local issues affecting the poor peasantry and working class, e.g. he started his experiment of Satyagraha from Champaran in Bihar (against the exploitation of local farmers by European Indigo planters) in 1917. Then he chose Kheda in Gujarat where he launched a movement in support of the local peasants. In Ahmedabad, he started a movement to support mill workers and even kept a fast unto death for their cause. Through such movements, he made these local issues a matter of national concern and also created a base for the national movement at the grassroot level. His strategy bridged the gap between the elite and the masses, urban and rural, and national and local, hence the national movement which was hitherto dominantly an elite-urban movement and a distant reality for the masses reached the remote corners of the country.
Issues and concerns of the peasants and working class became the part of
‘national question’ and thereby these deprived groups saw a new role for themselves in the national movement. Gandhi’s principle of non-violence and strategy of Satyagraha made it clear that in order to be a part of the national movement, one is not expected to do ‘big things’ and undertake ‘big sacrifices’, rather one can be a part of the movement through any given role, space and occupation. Through this approach, Gandhi could connect every role, space and occupation with the cause of nation and could make the national movement everyone’s movement. ‘Brown has argued that Gandhi appealed to a variety of groups not established in the system of associational
politics which resulted in the increased participation of Muslims, low caste Hindus, and commercial men in the national movement’ [Everett, 1995]. But scholars like Brown and Omvedt also argue that though this mass mobilization facilitated the entry of the masses in the national movement, leadership still remained in the hands of the elite class.
Brown and Omvedt consider this mass mobilization a vertical mass mobilization which is different from or in fact in contrast to the ‘Chinese Communist Party strategy of horizontal mass mobilization. In India power remained in the hands of the educated elite or the “sub – contractors” if they could retain a sufficient number of supporters. Mass mobilization in India was also sporadic. There were periods of political quietude between Gandhian campaigns when earlier patterns of elite representation returned”
[Everett, 1995]. However, though there can be differences of opinion on the nature of mass mobilization during the Gandhian era, the one point which cannot be denied is that mass mobilization was a unique contribution of the Gandhian era.
Creation of New Space for Women
This major shift in the nature of the national movement created a new space for women. This does not mean that earlier women were totally invisible in the national movement. On the contrary, when Gandhi came to India, women had already emerged as a strong force in the Indian National Congress. Moreover, by this time the scattered attempts of different women groups and leaders to protect women’s interests had taken the shape of an organized women’s movement. In order to make women’s voices audible at the national platform, the Women’s Indian Association had already been established in 1917. Besides, the presence of leaders like Sarojini Naidu and
Annie Besant in the Indian National Congress made women’s presence felt, and their role stronger. But it should be pointed out here that though women were visible, these women mostly represented the elite class, and the illiterate, poor, rural and working class women and their issues were still invisible. The major contribution of the Gandhian era was the inclusion of this ‘excluded’ section of women in the national movement. Gandhi made women realize that they had immense potential to contribute to the movement. To quote his words:
“Since resistance in Satyagraha is offered through self-suffering. It is a weapon pre-eminently open to women... She can become the leader in Satyagraha which does not require the learning that books give but does require the stout heart that comes from suffering and faith.” [Young India, 14 January 1930]
Hence, Gandhi made it clear that there is a special role to be played by women in Satyagraha and in fact Indian women’s special ability of self- suffering would prove them to be the best soldiers of non-violence. Knowing the nature of Indian society, Gandhi made it clear that in order to take part in the movement, women need not necessarily come out of their private domain but could contribute to the movement even through their roles within the family. He suggested that ‘Do what you can’ because every act is significant. [Forbes, 1998] Through this message, Gandhi ,on the one hand, gave a new agenda to women who were ,so far, unable to see any role for themselves in the world outside the ‘private realm’, on the other, he did not demand any major change in the Indian social values where the private realm was seen as the centre of women’s lives. Thus, his scheme of bringing women into the national movement was not against the traditional
structure of Indian society and hence was not opposed. Referring to the uniqueness of Gandhi’s scheme of creating a new space for women, Sucheta Kripalani commented: ‘Gandhi’s personality was such that it inspired confidence not only in women but in guardians of women, their husbands, fathers and brothers.’ [Sucheta Kripalani, Oral History Transcripts, NMML]
What is significant to note here is that Gandhi dismantled the barrier between the public and private. Though he did not make it essential for women to come out of the private realm, he changed the very character of the private by transporting public concerns and issues to the private realm.
The private realm did not remain anymore the dull sphere where household chores had to be performed in a routine matter, but rather a politically conscious and vibrant space where these household chores had to be performed keeping in mind the broader nationalist goal. Thus, he politicized the private. In fact, by giving this new character and significance to the private sphere, a new space was created for ordinary women in the national movement.
However, Gandhi’s appeal to women for agitation against the Rowlatt Act can be regarded as the formal entry of ordinary women in the national movement. The Rowlatt Act of 1919 was an open attack on individual liberty and legally enabled the government to arrest and to detain Indians only on the ground of suspicion and to keep them in prisons without trial.
The Act was fiercely opposed through out the country with the popular slogan: ‘Na Vakil, Na Dalil, Na Appeal’. [N. N. Mitra, 1920] Opposing the Act, Gandhi declared April 6, 1919 as the date for general strike. He appealed to women of all classes and communities to take part in Satyagraha against the draconian Act. [CWMG, 1964] Women actively
came forward to take part in protests organized in different parts of the country. The massacre at Jallianwala Bag on April 13, 1919 resulted in increased anger among women against the British rule, especially in the province of Punjab, where women were the major sufferers they had lost their husbands, sons, fathers, and other relatives. The massacre and brutality inflicted upon women by the police under the Martial Law played a very significant role in raising women’s consciousness against British rule.
Women actively worked for collecting funds to help the victims of the Jallianwala Bag massacre. Lado Rani Zutshi set up a stall at the Congress, selling goods made by members of the Kumari Sabha to help the victims.
“According to Lado Rani, the Indians and English were completely polarized in both Amritsar and Lahore in 1919; the open and ugly racism of the English was met by intense resentment... Recounting one such encounter with an English woman in a bus, she said she was so furious that when she got off the bus she warned the Punjabi woman who was getting on at the same time to keep out of the Englishwoman’s way. The woman retorted that if ‘they’ said anything to her. She would throw them out of the window” [ Radha Kumar, 1995].
This incidence speaks of the fact that gradually ordinary women had learnt the language of resentment and had become politically conscious to perceive and challenge British racism. This anger paved the way for active participation of women in the Non-Cooperation movement.
Non - Cooperation Movement and Women’s Participation
In August 1920 Gandhi decided to launch the Non- Cooperation Movement and his proposal was accepted by the Indian National Congress at the special session held on August 20, 1920. The major programme of the Non - Cooperation Movement were : surrender of titles and honorary positions;
resignation from local bodies; boycott of government functions, courts, government schools and colleges; boycott of foreign goods; and promotion of Swadeshi goods and Khadi. In these programmes women actively participated. Women who participated in this movement can be broadly divided into two groups: first those women who worked for the promotion of Swadeshi and boycott of foreign goods from within the domestic sphere; second those women who came out in the public sphere to support the movement. Women even started making their own organizations. For example, Rashtriya Stree Sangh ( RSS) ,an independent women’s organization, was formed with the aim of connecting women to the cause of nation. The members of the organization were required to be members of Congress. It worked for promotion of Khadi in Bombay and organized strikes against the visit of Prince of Wales in November, 1921. However, women who were active in this movement and working to mobilize women were mostly relatives of the prominent male nationalist leaders. Urmila Devi, widowed sister of C. R. Das, appealed to women to come out of their domestic spaces to serve the nation. The female members of the Das family–Basanti Devi, Urmila Devi and Suniti Devi–actively took part in promotion of Khadi and picketing shops selling foreign cloth and got arrested . Their detainment ‘had an electric effect on the people.
Immediately, more than a thousand young men offered themselves for arrest’. [Radha Kumar, 1998] Gandhi appreciated this brave act of women
of the Das family and appealed to women from other parts of the country to follow the example set by these women. Forbes argues that the electrifying impact of arrest of women made Gandhi realize the significance of women picketers. ‘The arrest of respectable women was viewed as an appropriate tactic to shame men into joining the protests.’ [ Forbes, 1998]
Women’s participation increased rapidly in the movement. The All Indian Ladies Conference at Ahmadabad was attended by 6000 women who came to listen to Bi Amma who appealed to women to join Congress as volunteers. The participation of women was not limited to any specific province. It was a nationwide feature, but the nature of participation varied from province to province. In Bombay and Calcutta, women actively picketed liquor shops but in Punjab the nature of women’s participation was a little different. The following excerpt from Radha Kumar’s History of Doing, where she refers to the view of Lajjavanti – who was one of the prominent figures among women leaders in Lahore, throws light on the distinct nature of women’s participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement in Punjab:
“The nationalist sympathies of all women ‘who were even a little educated’
were intense though there were restrictions on the nature of their participation. Hundreds of women went hawking Khadi and Charkhas from lane to lane in the city and took out procession to popularize Khadi at which they sang songs mocking ‘fashions’ and collectively burnt their foreign clothes. But they did not go picketing liquor shops nor did they court arrest.”[ Radha Kumar, 1998]
Thus, women from all parts of India took active part in the movement but there was regional variation in the nature of their participation and the activities they were involved in. Moreover, it was not only that women from all provinces participated but there are accounts which prove that women from every section, even the so called ‘fallen women’, participated in the movement. During Gandhi’s visit to Kakinada in April 1921 and with the efforts of Durgabai, a separate meeting for Devadasis was arranged, where around one thousand women came to listen to Gandhi and who, after listening to him, gave up their jewelry and contributed a sum of Rupees 20,000. Similarly, in Bengal, a group of prostitutes influenced by Gandhi’s call collected funds for the Congress in 1922. [Forbes, 1998] These incidents show how women became an essential part of the movement and a new space was opened up for them which filled them with a sense of self worth and freedom. This new sense of freedom among women is beautifully captured in the following poem ‘Dance of Liberation’ written by the Tamil Nationalist Poet Subramanya Bharati:
Dance! Rajoice! Those who said it is evil for women to touch books are dead; the lunatics who said they would lock women in their houses cannot show their faces now. They showed us our place in the home as if we were bullocks bred and beaten to dumb labour. We have ended that ring and dance! [ taken from Radha Kumar, 1993]
The above lines speak of the changing self perception of women during this era. During this phase the numerical strength of women in the Indian National Congress was also increasing. A hundred and forty four women delegates attended the 1921 Congress Session. In 1922, the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee Session was presided over by a woman,
Basanti Devi. In addition to this, a special Girl Volunteer Corps’ under the headship of Durgabai Deshmukh was formed.
After suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement, Gandhi turned his focus to a constructive programme where he saw a special role for women.
He projected spinning as the key solution to the Indian problems as well as to the women’s problem. [CWMG, XXV] He was of the opinion that educated women should turn their attention to the problems of their rural and poor sisters and should work for their upliftment. He appealed to educated women to ‘descend from their Western heights and come down to India’s plain’ and argued that ‘these questions of the liberation of women, liberation of India, removal of untouchability, amelioration of the economic condition of the masses, and the like, resolve themselves by penetrating into the villages and reconstruction, or rather reformation of village life’.
[Madhu Kishwar , p.8]
Women’s Participation in Civil Disobedience Movement
The Civil Disobedience Movement, launched by Gandhi in 1930, gave a new momentum to women’s participation. The movement started with Gandhi’s historic Dandi March from Ahmadabad to Dandi to make salt in defiance of the British rule. Initially, Gandhi was a little reluctant to allow women to participate in the Dandi March, but his decision was widely opposed by women organizations like the Women’s Indian Conference and Women leaders like Kurshed Naoroji, Margret Cousins and Sarojini Naidu. Ultimately due to mounting pressure of women leaders and organizations, Gandhi wrote to the Congress Committee to allow women to participate in the movement. After removal of the restriction, women from different parts of the country, beating all previous record of women’s participation, took active part in the movement. While on his way to Dandi, Gandhi talked to women at every stop and suggested various ways to them to contribute
to the movement viz. ‘picketing liquor and toddy shops, boycotting taxed salt and spinning and wearing Khadi.’ [Radha Kumar,1993] Responding to Gandhi’s call many women groups were formed. The Congress Working Committee, which was earlier against women’s participation in Salt Satyagraha, started giving them major responsibilities. Highlighting the increasing share of women in the movement, Radha Kumar writes that many women were entrusted with the responsibility to lead the cells which were formed to organize Satyagrahas. Sarojini Naidu, Lado Rani Zutshi, Kamala Nehru, Hansa Mehta, Avantikabai Gokhale, Satyavati, Parvatibai, Rukmini, Lakshmipaty, Perin, Goshiben Captain, Lilavati Munshi, Durgabai Deshmukh, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay were main among those who took up the leadership role.[Radha Kumar,1993]
Further a number of women organizations like Mahila Rashtriya Sangha, Desh Sevika Sangha, Nari Satyagraha Samiti, the Ladies’ Picketing Board, Stree Swarajya Sangh and the Swyam Sevika Sangha were set up by women to mobilize women for political participation. These organizations had twin goals: political mobilization of women, and training them in constructive programmes. Thus, these organizations had a very wide agenda. To illustrate, the Ladies’ Picketing Board in Bengal was divided into five sections: the Boycott and Picketing Section, the Constructive Worker’s Section, Swadeshi Prachar Section , Prabhat Pheri Section and a General Section in order to meet broad objectives of the Board which were ‘to struggle against the use of foreign goods; to popularize home industries, especially of spinning and weaving Khadi; to arrange processions and meetings demonstrating the greatness of liberty and equality of nations ; to preach to the people the need for removal of untouchability; to enlist as many people as possible as members of the Congress; and to work in accordance with the direction of the Indian National Congress and in affiliation with the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee.’ [Radha Kumar, 1993]
Organized participation of women in the Civil Disobedience Movement made it clear that women’s participation was not only a matter of giving some concession to the weaker sex, rather it was essential to strengthen the voice of the nation against the imperial power. In fact, brutality inflicted by the police upon women Satyagrahis who were nonviolently opposing unjust laws unmasked the ‘civilizing mission claim’ of the imperial power. British officials themselves accepted that it was participation of women in the movement which put the British government in a tough position. The movement got wide national and international attention and sympathy due to their participation One of the officials accepted that ‘there is no doubt that but for them [women] the movement would never have gained the force it has had. It is due to them that the sympathy of many not otherwise likely to have been in sympathy has been evoked’. [Government of India, Home Department, Political File No. 253/30/1930].
Thus, women’s massive participation in the nonviolent movement gave validity to the movement and shifted moral authority from the British rulers to ‘the unarmed, non violent [Indian] subjects.’ [Forbes, 1998] Besides women’s unconditional participation gave validity to women’s claims that women have equal potential and commitment to serve the cause of the nation which make them fit to demand their equal share in the political sphere. Forbes rightly comments: “The participation of women in the freedom movement also shaped the movement for women’s rights. Most important, it legitimized their claim to a place in government of India”.
[Forbes 1998]
Nonviolent women soldiers proved that if a citizen is a person who has commitment to the country, and who gives priority to the cause of country over the self and can even embrace death for the cause of country, then women are equally capable to be citizens of the country and thus should not be denied the right to vote anymore. Sarala Devi Chaudharani suggested to women that the best way of attaining rights is through ‘the strength of our agitation. We must force men folk to concede to our demands and at the same time carry on propaganda among ourselves’. [Forbes, 1998]
Women’s Participation in the National Movement during Gandhian era and Movement for Women’s Rights
During the Gandhian phase movement for women’s rights and national movement were running parallel. A major demand of the women’s movement was women’s franchise. In 1914 Sarojini Naidu led the delegation to meet Montague for women’s suffrage. In 1918 due to her efforts a resolution was passed at the Special Congress Session in support of women’s suffrage. The arguments she made in support of women’s rights were not based on sameness principle rather on the complementarity ideal.
Pleading the case for women suffrage, she ensured that right to vote would never deviate women from their traditional roles. To quote her:
“Never never, for we realize that men and women have their separate goals, separate destinies and thus just as man can never fulfill the responsibility of a woman.... We ask for the vote, not that we might interfere with you in your public place and power , but rather that we might lay the foundation of national character in the souls of the children that we hold upon our laps, and instill into them the ideal of national life”. [Quoted in Forbes, 1998]
But unlike the moderate tone of Sarojini Naidu, women leaders like Sarala Devi supported the cause of women’s equal share in the public realm arguing that women can perform same roles as ‘the fellow workers of men in politics and other spheres.’ [Forbes, 1998]
During this phase, on the one hand, awareness among women, especially among the educated women, regarding franchise was taking a concrete shape, on the other nationalist leaders like Gandhi were in favour of postponing the demands of women’s franchise and to turn the focus solely on the fight against the common enemy . Some women leaders were also of the similar opinion. To quote Madame Cama: “Work for Indians freedom and independence women will get not only the vote but all other rights.”
[“Madam Bhikaji Cama”, Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. I].
But despite patriarchal oppositions and paternalistic suggestions pro- franchise women continued their fight. Such women leaders questioned the policy of Indian National Congress relating to women’s role in the Indian National Congress and national movement. In fact, the roots of contemporary demands for equal participation and representation of women in politics can be traced during this phase. Resenting the Indian National Congress’s neglect of women’s issues, a meeting was called by women leaders in Bengal to form a separate Congress. [Amrita Bazar Patrika, April 29, 1931] Sarala Devi Chaudharani stressed the need of a separate Congress for women and gave a call to women to join the world wide women’s movement. Commenting on the limited role given to women by Congress in the national movement, she said Congress ‘assigned to women the position of law-breakers only and not law makers. Therefore, women must demand equal treatment and equal status.’ [The Hindu, May 3, 1931]
Some of the pro- franchise women activists and leaders advocated equal rights for women using nationalist arguments. Radha Kumar gives an account of such views, she writes:
“They [women] used nationalist argument to defend demands for women’s rights to equality with men.... A series of questions were put to male nationalists who either opposed women’s rights or counselled caution in the matter of fighting for them. Those who said women would be given their rights in due course were reminded of their own arguments that rights had to be fought for; those who advised a gradual method of gaining those rightly were reminded that the Congress moderates had been criticized precisely for advocating this, and so on. Moreover, some women now began to express that woman, in order to be free, had to engage in a struggle with men.”[Radha Kumar, 1993]
Such strong views gradually resulted in some success in securing limited right to vote for women at the level of provincial legislatures. But the goal of universal franchise was still a far goal to achieve. Women’s organizations and women leaders continued their fights for the right to vote but gradually women leaders themselves got divided on the issue. While leaders like Begam Shah Nawaz and Mrs. Subbarayan agreed on special reservations for women in place of universal franchise as an interim measure at the Round Table Conference, women leaders of Women’s Indian Association , All India Women’s Conference and National Council of Women in India were against it and were demanding nothing less than universal franchise.
Thus, the women’s movement during this phase was uniform neither on issues nor strategies. It was divided into multiple groups like nationalist and feminist; moderates and extremists; and supporters of sameness principle and complementarity ideal. Further, the women’s organizations during this
phase did not represent the interests of all Indian women. The ordinary poor, working, rural, illiterate women actively participated in the nationalist movement but women’s organizations led by western educated elite women could not integrate these women and their issues into the women’s movement. Thus, women’s movement remained ‘too Hindu, too middle class, and too urban to appeal to or adequately represent all Indian women’.
[Forbes, 1998]
Quit India Movement and Women’s Participation
After the active participation of women in the Civil Disobedience Movement, participation of women became an accepted fact and in fact essential for the success of the movement. Being disappointment by the British war policy and their neglect of Indian demands, All India Congress Committee in Bombay Session on August 8, 1942 passed the historic ‘Quit India’ resolution and urged for a mass nonviolent struggle. But this time it was made clear that people should be prepared for all odds including the arrest of Congress leaders. After the arrest of Congress leaders on August 9, 1942, the outrage of people resulted in a country–wide protest wherein women’s participation was remarkable. They were involved in this movement in different capacities–from participating in mass protests, strikes and demonstrations to running parallel government and conducting secret underground activities:
“The women not only took out processions and held demonstrations but also organized camps in which women were given training in Indian constitution, civic duties, first aid, democracy and women’s organizations. Training in Lathi and Drill was also imparted in these camps”. [Hindustan Standard, 1942]
Women Self Defence committees were set up to impart training in self defence in Barishal, Hoogly, Bally, Chinsurah and Maheshtala in 24 Pargana district, Bengal. To coordinate these self defense committees Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti was formed. Thus, Gandhi’s ‘Do and Die’ speech had a electrifying impact on all women – rural- urban, illiterate – literate, working class and peasant.
Women leaders like Usha Mehta, Aruna Asaf Ali, Matangini Hazra, Sucheta Kripalani and Sarojini Naidu led campaigns in a very strategic manner which proved that by this time women were fully capable of not only participating in the movement, but rather of leading the movement. Apart from these big names there were a large number of women who led campaigns at the local levels. Usha Mehta, who joined the movement as volunteer, set up a radio transmitter ‘Voice of Freedom’ to broadcast news of protests and arrests which became a major medium of spreading patriotic feelings. Aruna Asaf Ali along with Jaiprakash Narayan, Ram Manohar Lohia, Achyut Patwaradhan and Sucheta Kriplani went underground with the objective of avoiding detainment and hence to control and direct the movement. Sucheta Kriplani relentlessly worked to maintain contact with different groups engaged in the movement to keep their moral high and to prevent these groups from turning violent. She wrote that her aim ‘was to bring the government to a standstill by any method, excluding violence against individuals.’ [Forbes, 1998]
Thus, during the Quit India Movement women participated with new vigor as self-disciplined soldiers who could take their own stands in absence of leaders. In the movement women’s role was beyond the complementarity ideal advocated by Gandhi. Unlike the previous movements, this time there was no demarcation like men’s role and women’s role, they almost took up
the same responsibility and roles. Further, the cause of the nation took a lead over the cause of women and hence barring few exceptions women leaders and organizations got united on the point that this was the high time for thinking in terms of the nation and so to put a temporary stop on the feminist agenda. Analyzing the nature of women’s participating in the Quit India Movement and highlighting how it differed from women’s participation in earlier movements of Gandhian era, Forbes writes:
“In contrast to 1930, when women were asked to wait until men completed the March to Dandi and then assigned special duties, in 1942 women fought along side men and suffered the same consequences. Activist women were so caught up in the struggle; they ignored gender issues or, like Sucheta Kriplani, put them aside until independence had been achieved”. [ Forbes, 1998]
Women and Gandhian Movements: An Appraisal
On the basis of the above account it can be concluded that the Gandhian era created a wide space for women in mainstream national movement. This time their participation was neither limited nor symbolic. But the scholars have shown their reservations on the nature of women’s participation in Gandhian movements and on Gandhi’s view on women’s role in the movement. Everett criticizes Gandhi’s idea of complementary sex roles which supports different set of duties and roles for men and women and argues that ‘he was not always so supportive of women’s participation in public life.’ She, further, charges that though Gandhian movements encouraged women’s participations but he was not in favour of giving them leadership roles. Though there were women like Sarojini Naidu and Anasuya
Sarabhai who held leadership position, they were not independent leaders, as
‘Gandhi was always the supreme commander. He included women in most of his Satyagraha campaigns but he carefully orchestrated their participation and responded angrily when women wanted to step over the limits he set’.
[Everett, 1995]
Further, most of the women holding leadership positions in Gandhian movements were allowed to assume leadership positions only when their male relatives got arrested. Everett even argued that most of women leaders who joined Gandhian campaigns were relatives of prominent male leaders and were acting as representatives of these male leaders and not as independent leaders. She argues: “The encouragement of female relatives to participate in the Gandhian campaigns appears to have been motivated in part by the desire of the leaders to maintain their positions of influence.”
[Everett, 1995]
Similarly Gail Omvedt argues that Gandhi, though an advocate of political revolution, wanted to keep the Indian social structure and relations intact and thus appeared to be a conservative in the social realm. To quite Omvedt:
“...the social function of Gandhian nonviolence in Indian history has been to allow India to achieve a political revolution without having a social revolution.” [Gail Omvedt, 1973]
However, despite the above criticisms, it cannot be denied that the Gandhian era unfolded new vistas for women in the political and public realm and created a niche for women in post- independence Indian politics. Madhu Kishwar writes that Gandhian movements created ‘for women a new dignity in public life, a new confidence, and a new self-view’ and thus transformed women ‘from passive
object’ to ‘active subjects or agents of reform’. [Madhu Kishwar, ‘Gandhi on Women’, here taken from Radha Kumar,1993]
SUMMARY
Gandhian era transformed Indian national movement into a mass movement and women across region, class and caste became a major force of the national movement.
In the non-violent Gandhian movements women’s qualities of love and nurturance were projected as their major strengths making them the most perfect candidates for Satyagraha.
The credit of including the illiterate, poor, rural women in the mainstream national movement goes to Gandhian movements.
Gandhi initially did not assign the same role to men and women.
Rather, he appealed women to support the case of Swadeshi through their traditional roles as wives and mothers.
During the Non-Cooperation Movement women actively participated throughout the country, but the nature of their participation had regional variations.
During the Civil Disobedience Movement women’s participation took a very organized shape.
Nationalist movement and women’s movement were running parallel during this phase.
The nature of women’s participation in Quit India Movement was different from previous movements as they took up the same activities like their male counterparts and were not expected to perform a different set of duties.
The Gandhian era gave a new dimension to the private realm by giving it a political character.
The greatest contribution of the Gandhian era is that it transformed women from ‘passive objects’ to ‘active agents’.
References
Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India, U.K., Cambridge University Press, 1889.
Radha Kumar, History of Doing, New Delhi, Zubaan, 1993.
Usha Bala, Indian Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi, Heritage Publishers, 1995.
Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi, Heritage Publishers, 1995.
Sucheta Kripalani , Oral History Transcripts, NMML
N. N. Mitra, The Indian Annual Register, Vol. I, 1920, Calcutta
M. Gandhi, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi , Vol. XV, New Delhi, The Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting , 1964
Gail Omvedt, “Gandhi and the Pacification of the Indian Nationalist Movement”, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 5 July, 1973
Government of India, Home Department, Political File No.
253/30/1930
Hindustan Standard, 1942
‘Bengal Women’s Conference’, The Hindu ,May 3, 1931
‘Future of Indian Womanhood’, Amrita Bazar Patrika, April 29, 1931
“Madam Bhikaji Cama”, Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. I
Young India, 14 January 1930
